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Hiyab Gebretsadik Weldearegay      Critics on Heritage Laws and Tourism Politics in Ethiopia




               omy of Merryman (1986) that excludes communities.   so much is not in doubt that institutional racism char-
               Communities must be more centrally involved in cul-  acterised by wrongly structured heritage governance
               tural property governance and benefit-sharing. They   mechanisms  may  lead  up  to;  identity  cleansing,  in
               shall shape that involvement by changing existing   any appropriate sense of the term, (Mill & Morrison,
               rules  of multi-layered sovereignty over heritages to   1985; Hall & Jenkins, 1995): open doors to deliberate
               local independence, which presents novel possibilities   delay of conservation and neglecting the restoration
               for community control over heritages; this supports   of treasures; undermine or silence contestant’s treas-
               the 2007 United Nations Declaration on the Rights   ures (Walleligne, 1969); deconstruct, deny, or omit
               of Indigenous Peoples, which provided a platform for   elements considered unfit for specific purpose. Mem-
               Indigenous peoples to unsettle the autonomy of the   ories of all nations may not be equally and sufficiently
               nation-states in which they live and provided the in-  presented to the deserved scope and scale of the reality
               stitutional presence required to exert influence on na-  as some may be under-presented and others over em-
               tional governments to respect their collective rights as   phasised (Merryman, 1986, Wallelign, 1969; Wight &
               peoples and their struggles to maintain their unique   Lennon, 2007; Biehl et al., 2015) which means the pro-
               cultural identities, traditions, and institutions in the   ductivity of meanings that construct counter-history
               face of discrimination (Soderland & Lilley, 2015).   where the politicised ‘portion of truth’ is produced;
               From the philosophical and political categorical im-  Deconstructionist systematic suppression or deletion
               peratives of national treasures, it is recognised as a   of heritage related evidence; Smuggling of heritage
               priori, a knowledge that needs no proof, to be herit-  treasures (Casana & Panahipour, 2014; Al-Ansi et al.,
               age only in their textual address by this UN proclama-  2021); Biasedly selecting heritage as national prestige
               tion. As heritage is the contemporary use of the past   (Walleligne, 1969; Wight & Lennon, 2007); Selective-
               (Wight & Lennon, 2007), there may be conflicting in-  ly researching and publicising heritages (Walleligne,
               terests among owners (McCamley & Gilmore, 2017)   1969); and, Selectively proposing treasures to be world
               and perhaps several politically motivated layers of   heritages (Wight & Lennon, 2007; Lixinski, 2011). This
               owners with their claim of sovereignty (Lixinski, 2011)   over/under/misrepresentation of the past could serve
               and are prone to be managed for a range of purposes   as a tool of social, political and economic hegemony
               defined by the needs and demands of the present soci-  and a place for objectifying political aspirations. 
               eties (Wight & Lennon, 2007) which ultimately make
               it cumbersome obstacle to protect cultural heritages   Literature Review on Heritage Economics and Tourism
               (Lixinski, 2011). Heritages can shape how future gen-  Politics 
               erations remember and analyse their ancestors. They   Heritage has a value that transcends numbers and fig-
               can act as sites of both memory (Al-Ansi et al., 2021)   ures. The remote consequence of the politicisation of
               and counter-memory (Davis & Starn, 1989); they may   heritage governance is on the economics of heritage
               reflect tyrannical histories of domination and mis-  (Lixinski, 2019), which in turn unnecessarily collided
               recognition and hold great spaces for politics and po-  with the long-run interests of the economic remuner-
               litical struggle as there is a split between the national   ations in the tourism industry (Richter, 1983; Jordan
               culturalist demand for autonomy and sovereignty,   et al., 2007). The Tourism Business sub-sector can
               and the negation of the certainty in the articulation   be an instrument and victim of this politics (Richter,
               of imperialist demands as a practice of domination.   1985; Matthews & Richter, 1991; Hall, 1994; Dredge &
               Simone (2019) has also stated that the powers of her-  Jenkins, 2003; Douglas, 2014; Hollinshead & Suleman,
               itages are not measured by what they overtly say or   2017). So, the above postulates indicate that the func-
               how they are exposed to tourists now but by the fab-  tioning of the Tourism sector is against the ontolog-
               ricated meaning that explains how the past happened.   ical Dialectical Materialism because it adheres to a
               Therefore, given the fact that heritage occupies a dis-  pure materialist worldview about tourism instead of
               cursive political space with vast sphere of influence,   an integrated totality of the political domain.



               20 | Proceedings of the 7th UNESCO UNITWIN Conference
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